Monday, April 21, 2014

Ancestry.com Job Opening

Family History Intern

Description

FAMILY HISTORY INTERN
Ancestry.com is the world's largest online resource for family history. We have helped pioneer the market for online family history research, taking a pursuit that was expensive and time-consuming and making it easy, affordable and accessible to anyone with an interest in their family history. The foundation of our service is an extensive collection of billions of historical records that we have digitized, indexed and put online over the past 17 years. These digital records and documents, combined with our proprietary online search technologies, tools and collaboration features, have enabled our more than two million subscribers to create nearly 50 million family trees that contain nearly 5 billion profiles, make meaningful discoveries about the lives of their ancestors.
With over 1,400 employees around the world, we are known for our cutting-edge technology, phenomenal innovation, and offer a compelling and rewarding workplace where you will thrive. We seek out passionate people to join our mission of helping people discover, preserve and share their family history. We invite you to explore and discover the many opportunities that await you at Ancestry.com.   
Job Description:
Ancestry.com is looking for a Family History Intern to assist with archive organization/migration and celebrity family history research. This individual will work on the same team that discovered that Kate Middleton and Jane Austen are distant cousins; that Robert Pattinson is connected to Vlad the Impaler; and that President Obama is descended from the first documented enslaved African American.
This internship position is roughly 10-15 hours per week, is based in the Ancestry.com Provo, Utah, office, and is expected to last from May/June 2014 through August 2014. With this position, you would be asked to juggle multiple family history projects and budgets, maintain and expand the family history research archive, and “translate” raw genealogical data into clear, concise summaries for public relations and marketing efforts.
Please apply online at www.ancestry.com/careers
Key Responsibilities / Performance Requirements:
  • Organize and maintain the archiving systems for research project findings
  • Migrate older GEDCOM files to multiple current formats
  • Digitize hard copy family research files
  • Build 3-4 generation family trees for various individuals, sometimes starting with little to no information, with a quick turnaround time, in some cases as little as 24 hours
  • Review, organize, and summarize previously conducted research to augment archive
  • Assist with Project Management of various genealogy research projects, including creation and tracking of project hours and budgets
Research Skills
  • Strength in brief, clear, and concise written and verbal communication
  • Confidence to work on global family history research needs, regardless of experience; ability to learn new methodology quickly
  • Excellent genealogy technology skills, especially with Ancestry.com and its products
  • Knowledge and practical application of standard research practices, including the Genealogical Proof Standard
  • Creative problem solving of genealogical brick walls
General Skills
  • Ability to work in a fast-paced environment with commitment to meeting short deadlines
  • Thrives in team environment
  • Driven and takes initiative
  • Organized and detail-oriented
  • Creative and innovative as a genealogist and writer
  • Comfortable working knowledge of Microsoft Office products, especially Word, Excel and SharePoint
  • Education – BA, earned or pending, in family history preferred
  • Experience
    • Genealogy experience preferred
    • Writing skills a plus
Compensation
  • $15 an hour, for 10-15 hours a week


Dr. Ward Full Newsletter Article


Fellowship of the Ring(s):
The Sochi Olympic Games, Brazil’s World Cup, and the Human Drama
by
Evan R. Ward
Introduction: Center Ring
            "So, what was the purpose of the Opening Ceremonies?," I asked myself as I watched teary-eyed Russian figure skater Tatiana Volosozhar melt onto the icy floor of the Bolshoi Arena following her gold medal performance with Maxim Trankoff during the recent Sochi Olympics. This was the beauty of sport. Here was Russia's true spectacle of the Games. Looking a little deeper, Volosozhar and Trankoff's journey to center ice also reflected the ways in which the Olympics and World Cup connect many of the themes that we study as historians: development, democracy, immigration, identity and fraternity. For example, both of the skaters literally followed their own paths to Sochi: On the rutted economic landscapes of post-Communist Russia, Trankoff moved to St. Petersburg at the age of 15 to pursue a vocation in ice skating; likewise, Volosozhar, who trained in Kiev as a young girl, jettisoned her Ukrainian citizenship in 2010 in order to compete for the Russian Federation.
            The social, economic, and political setting for the story of these two athletes underscores the way in which sport, like the overlapping Olympic rings themselves, links important contemporary and historical themes in our world. My objective in sharing the following essay is to illustrate that the skills we develop as historians are conducive to identifying these dynamic aspects of the human experience through this year's sporting mega-events: the recent Olympic Games in Sochi Russia, as well as the upcoming FIFA World Cup in Brazil. As historian John Lewis Gaddis has observed in his collection of lectures, entitled The Landscape of History, our training as historians prepares us to look at the world as a web of interdependent relationships instead of independent variables in laboratory-like isolation. Rio de Janeiro and Sochi are only the most recent settings to examine these aspects of the human drama.
Ring One: Development
            It has become something of a cliché to preface discussions of the Sochi Olympic Games with a reference to the cost of the event, somewhere in the neighborhood of $50 billion. As the Games unfolded, my own views on the cost of the megaevent also evolved. It is true that the gross sum spent on the Olympics trumped every other Olympic games, including the nearly flawless pageantry of the Beijing Games in 2008, by approximately ten billion dollars. But even in agreeing that $50 billion dollars could be used for a multitude of other objectives, I began to consider that nations, including our own, do not always make zero-sum decisions (where funds designated for one purpose would automatically be allocated for another purpose) with their money, nor do even the most austere nations always act rationally in their motivations for spending money. Putin's Games, then, could be attributed to accomplishing multiple objectives within the context of statecraft: developing tourism in the oft-neglected Krasnodar region; parading Russia on the global stage; upgrading facilities for sports training (a la Park City and the 2002 Winter Games); or, deflecting attention from the sounds of bullets ricocheting off the walls of buildings in Kiev, where Tatiana Volosozhar once lived and trained as a little girl (but then, for those who claim the games were simply a diversion for Ukrainian unrest and the Crimean takeover, would these events have been coordinated seven years ago when the International Olympic Committee awarded the games to Russia? Regardless of our answer to this, we must consider the complexity of timing and circumstance).
            Some years ago, in 2005, I spent a month studying tourism development in Turkey as part of a Rotary Club exchange for young professionals. In the town of Fethiye, a seaside town nestled next to Oludeniz, a tranquil turquoise lagoon on the Mediterranean, local architect Muhammad Abu Albar gave me a tour of the properties that he had designed. At one of the all-inclusive resorts he emphasized that an increasing number of visitors on the Turkish Rivera hailed from Russia, alongside traditional streams British and German tourists. Unlike their Western European counterparts, however, Russians spent their rubles more freely. Signs printed in Cyrillic lettering around the resort confirmed Abu Albar’s observation.
            This sampling of trends in tourism on the European and Asian borderlands contradicts, in some measure, the rather simplistic narrative peddled during the Olympic Games: that the Sochi Games represented the resurrection Stalin's failed dream to transform the thermal springs around the Black Sea port into an international destination, a dream that ultimately, like the Soviet Union, failed. A survey of the New York Times suggests a more complex reality. Although Stalin's Sochi never became what he had envisioned, the city did become an important domestic tourism destination during the Cold War. In fact, Sochi, much like Cancun in Mexico, Dubai in the United Arab Emirates, or even Kish Island in Iran, morphed into a cultural borderland between East and West, where Soviet workers found their own, although limited, window on the West. No, Sochi will never be mistaken for Monaco; however, its rationale for development follows a plausible trajectory for the city, instead of representing an aberration for a town that, according to the perception of many, simply sprang up overnight.
            Halfway around the world and in the Southern hemisphere, Brazilian officials view the developmental opportunities of this year's World Cup as an opportunity to update existing infrastructure in mega-cities for streams of international tourists already familiar with Rio’s iconic landscapes. As has been reported, many of the stadiums that will be built for the World Cup on the Brazilian periphery, in towns such as Cuiaba, Manaus, and even Brasilia, may not see much post-World Cup use, new and renovated facilities in Rio de Janeiro, Sao Paulo, Recife, and Salvador are badly needed for international tourism during and after the World Cup. As I noted in an article written for the Deseret News on February 23, by 2016 Rio de Janeiro, a mega-city of nearly thirteen million people, will have the same number of hotel rooms (approximately 40,000) as greater Sochi (a metropolitan area of 400,000) during the 2014 Winter Olympics. These added facilities will surely drive the high price of hotels in Rio down after the World Cup and Olympic Games in 2016.
But the question of using megaevents as a tool for economic development has not evolved independent of other forces in regional, national or global history. As has been evident in both the sphere of Russian foreign policy in the wake of the Sochi games, as well as on the streets of Brazil last June, questions of democracy are closely connected to these showcases of development. Politicians and event planners cannot choreograph world events to coincide with their designs for megaevents.
Ring Two: Democracy
            By the end of the Sochi games, the crisis in Ukraine overshadowed the closing ceremonies. As rhapsodic strains of Tchaikovsky's Concerto No. 1 in B-Minor filled Fisht Olympic Stadium on February 23, 2014, and fireworks arched over Adler Sports Complex, rattled protestors and self-recriminating policemen observed an uneasy truce in the bloody ruins of the main plaza of Kiev, Ukraine, some 600 miles away. The connection between these two centers of global interest during the two weeks of the Olympic games brought some measure of poetic justice to the claim that nothing in this world happens in isolation. The fact that Tchaikovsky fashioned the well-known introduction of the Piano Concerto from a folk song that he had heard while traveling near Kiev in 1875 only makes the idea that the competing and often conflicting priorities of development and democracy in the twenty-first century world more intriguing.
            During the Parade of Champions at the closing ceremonies, Maxim Trankoff paraded the horizontal tri-color flag through the center of Fisht Stadium: a chiseled embodiment of Russia's triumphant medals haul at the Games. On a less visible stage, his skating partner, Tatiana Volosozhar, epitomized the pull of two competing narratives within the Russian sphere of influence: affiliation with the cultural, economic, and military influence of Russia versus greater national autonomy and global interdependence.
             It is only natural that the relationship between democracy and development played out differently in Russia and Brazil, not simply because of the geographic distance between them, but also as a result of different political histories. Brazil has a longer and arguably more successful history of democratization, beginning most recently in 1986 when a twenty-year military regime was ousted.    
            This past summer I traveled to Salvador da Bahia, Brazil, where I researched UNESCO efforts to develop cultural tourism as a tool for economic development in the country during the late 1960s. While I was in Salvador, every day I walked from the Largo Segundo de Julho, a historic residential neighborhood, to the archives in the old city. On the cement wall of one of the buildings close to the Praca da Se, where the foundations of the Portuguese Empire were laid in the sixteenth century, a street artist tagged a sentiment that reverberated through the streets of Salvador in the form of protests sparked by an increase in bus prices. The unknown artist simply wrote with a spray nozzle-brush: "A Copa, Para Quem?" (“The World Cup, for whom?”).
            While the international press turned their attention to the visual manifestations of chaos and violence in the streets of Sao Paulo, Rio, and Salvador, which disrupted the Confederations Cup, a soccer tournament intended as a dress rehearsal for the FIFA World Cup, long-time observers of the region saw a maturing democracy, whose passions temporarily boiled over into the streets. To those not familiar with the country's authoritarian past, these sudden protests only complicated global perceptions of Brazil's “fitness” to host an international event. In other words, the long-term evolution of democracy in Brazil, a messy process in any region of the modern world, made the process of development through megaevents even more problematic, particularly in an age when icons and shortened sound bytes converge at an increasingly rapid pace. Contemporary concerns for safety and competence in preparing for the games have overshadowed, and to some degree understandably (especially for those that have thousands of dollars invested in attending those events), the slower, but more meaningful evolution of democracy and national identity there that has made significant strides, particularly in the twenty-first century.

            Ironically, it is very possible that the civil societies that are maturing with the strongest democratic foundations are the very same nations discredited for their inability to contain the chaos of more broadly based political constituencies. To that same point, Brazil has been a rare exception to the trend of awarding megaevents to emerging countries with authoritarian regimes, Russia and Qatar being the most recent examples, which, like Mexico City and Beijing before them, promised order as a veneer for less-thorough, broad based participatory political foundations. Ironically, however, in a world where global culture continues to saturate flows of knowledge and commerce, openness may be the best possible solution for the future of megaevents. While the success of the 2012 London Games has largely been attributed to bloated security budgets and legions of soldiers and law enforcement patrols, relatively less attention has been given to the possible fact that democracy, or the free flow of peoples, commerce, and knowledge, may provide the best context for global events, even in an ever-increasingly tense and fragile world.
            But democracy and development also touch on deeper demographic realities related to human rights and the acceleration of movement around the globe. The global migrations of workers that build the megastructures which host the games give grittier substance to the Olympic theme of “higher, faster, and stronger.”
Ring Three: Mobility
            Following the 2010 earthquake around Port-au-Prince, Haiti, which virtually flattened the city and killed 200,000 people, a steady stream of Haitian émigrés left their home island of Hispaniola and made the week-long journey by bus and plane through the backdoor of Brazil to find employment. The Brazilian newspaper O Globo recently published a map documenting the now well-trodden path from Port-au-Prince to Brasileia, Acre state, in Amazonian Brazil, by way of Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic (by bus from Haiti), to Panama City (by airplane), to Quito, Ecuador (by airplane), and Peru (by bus).
            Many, like the twenty-something Don Pharisien, as reported in the Folha de Sao Paulo in January of 2012, entertained dreams of construction work in connection with the 2014 World Cup. Pharisien told the Brazilian newspaper team, “Soccer is my great passion. I want to help construct the soccer stadium [in Sao Paulo] and attend the soccer matches in 2014 there.”
Is this not a journey of greater determination than the comfortable legs of the Olympic torch relay?  
            The mobility of workers has been less visible than the flight of athletes to countries that offer better training and opportunities for competing in the Olympics. For example, how Russian is Tatiana Volosozhar, or her Korean-born speed-skating phenom, Viktor Ahn? Perhaps athletes should wear their cultural allegiances, as well as numbers, on their Olympic bibs. Yet questions of cultural identity, as part of the Games themselves, or as the context for these competitions are also a related aspect of megaevents that will be explored in the next section.
            The Olympic movement has celebrated the concept of mobility across political boundaries primarily through the highly publicized – and now globally byzantine -- torch run. If the torch’s flame symbolizes fraternity across national borders, fire has other symbolic meanings and practical uses. Construction workers also wield torches, but in a more precarious setting. Their dangerous works serves as a cautionary tale that fire can link disparate pieces, but also extinguish or destroy. Like the Olympic rings themselves, this figurative fellowship between the function and symbolism of fire and torches has a practical corollary in the world of megaevents: the often invisible journey of immigrants who move across continents to help build stadiums and tourism infrastructure for the World Cup and Olympic Games.
            Haitians, including Don Pharisien, personify the optimism and energy of these torchbearers. Although they have attracted less attention by television networks as subjects of feature reporting during the games, they are gaining greater recognition as the one-upmanship of global megaevents only grows.  
It is probably only coincidental that the January 2014 issue of National Geographic included unrelated articles, “Putin’s Party,” -- a feature on the Sochi Olympics (which did make reference to the army of 20,000 migrants marshaled to build the Olympic village at Krasnaya Polyana) – and, Cynthia Gorney’s essay about global guest workers.
            Gorney’s thoughtful article, entitled, “Far from Home,” stretches the discussion of migrant workers beyond the economic implications of their activities into the familial and ethical realm. In the first paragraph of the essay she notes that “foreign workers and their families must grapple with an inevitable trade-off: emotional loss for material gain.” Her focus is the Persian Gulf. Dubai, with its own anomalous – or, Sochiesque -- winter oases, set inside of shopping malls that feature an “indoor ski slope” and “a full-size ice hockey rink,” also serves as a transitory home for its own international village of workers. “Arrive [in Dubai] in the standard manner,” Gorney writes:
disembarking into the sprawling international airport, and you will pass a hundred maintenance workers  . . . before you reach the curbside cabstand. The young woman pouring Starbucks espressos is from the Philippines or maybe Nigeria. The restroom cleaner is from Nepal, or maybe Sudan. The cabdriver, gunning it up the freeway towards downtown Dubai, is from northern Pakistan or Sri Lanka or the southern Indian state of Kerala.
What Gorney then reveals about the nature of migrant life in the Persian Gulf conveys a truism that readers of Victor Hugo’s Les Miserables would already know: slang provides a window into the opaque realities of the working class. “In Tagalog there’s a phrase,” Gorney observes that:
katas ng Saudi,’ . . . means ‘the juice extracted from Saudi’ . . . and Filipinos . . . use it to describe the bounty made possible by money from Abroad – the good shoes, the collapse resistant walls – even when these things are technically katas ng Dubai or katas ng Qatar.
Sadly, the connections that are forged between Southeast Asia and the Middle East as a result of guest worker programs threatens to tear asunder familial ties tenuously tethered by fuzzy Skype sessions or pricey global cell phone contracts. “In both Dubai and the Philippines,” Gorney writes, “I heard laments about spiraling cycles of expectation and dependence, the possessions that materialize as substitutes for the absent parent, the assumption that the overseas worker is a cash dispenser that cannot be unplugged.”
            Migrant workers as a necessary at construction sites for Olympic villages and World Cup venues have faced similar challenges. Initially, Russia eased immigration restrictions to attract workers for the construction of venues for the Sochi Olympic Games. The comparatively low wages that workers at Sochi venues received ($1.80 to $2.60 an hour according to Human Rights Watch), were less controversial than the lack of written contracts, substandard food and housing (compared against what they had been promised), and arbitrary dismissal from worksites, which many workers experienced. Ironically, seizure of passports served as one of the primary tools for maintaining a captive work force. As Omurbek, a 30-year-old Uzbekistani construction worker observed in a 2012 interview with Human Rights Watch, “Without my passport, where could I go? I am no one without a passport. I finally convinced [the construction company] to give it to me, and left.”   
            Nevertheless, discussions of corruption and Putin’s exercise of political legerdemain in managing the games overshadowed the difficult circumstances faced by migrant workers from Armenia, Tajikistan, Ukraine, Uzbekistan, Serbia, and Kyrgyzstan.
Recognition of the contributions of migrant workers on the stage of global events tempers these stories of exploitation. In the legislative assembly of the Brazilian state of Matto Grosso, for example, Emanuel Pinheiro, a state deputy and president of the Human Rights Commission for the Assembly, highlighted the need to accommodate Haitian laborers resettling in Brazil. “The concern is how to help these immigrants that have left their homeland . . . [and to look] with optimism to the future of our Caribbean neighbor, which is connected to us by the fraternal bonds of a prosperous destiny for Latin America . . .”
            Global mobility figures to be a permanent component of international development, as well as a complex variable in discussions about democracy in a transnational world.  A world in commotion has also raised questions about the role of cultural identity in this complex fellowship of the Olympic rings.
Ring Four: Identity
            Literature may not always be true to history, but much of the past was inspired by myths that are believed to be true. Such is the case with Leo Tolstoy's novella, Hadji Murad, a fictional reflection on his military service in the Caucasus region in the 1920s, which underscores the persistence of deep-seated Muslim identities in the region that have are not been easily uprooted.

            In Sochi, the persistence of regional religious tensions threatened to overshadow the Games even before they had started. “Black widows,” or the wives of martyred Islamic extremists, crept onto newsfeeds and interrogation lists as bombs silenced innocent lives in Sochi’s hinterlands. The historically uneasy relationship between Russia – symbolized by the return of a Cossack military-police force – and an entrenched Muslim population figuratively kept President Putin on the edge of his seat until the last intonations of Tchaikovsky’s First Piano Concerto at the Closing Ceremonies of the Winter Games.
            Tolstoy's writings, influenced in part by his service as a soldier in the Caucasus during the 1920s, foreshadowed the enduring character of Muslim identity and resistance that refashioned itself over the next century. He compared the persistence of Muslim culture in southern Russia to a plant found in the region. Tolstoy wrote:
I was returning home by the fields . . . when I noticed in a ditch, in full bloom, a beautiful thistle plant of the crimson king, which in our neighborhood they call “Tartar,” . . . Thinking to pick this thistle and put it in the center of my [handful of flowers], I climbed down into the ditch, and, after having driven away a velvety bumble-bee . . . I set to work to pluck the flower . . . [yet,] I felt sorry to have vainly destroyed a flower that looked beautiful in its proper place, and I threw it away . . .
Later on in his journey home, Tolstoy encountered another Tartar plant. He continued:
One stalk was broken and half of it hung down with a soiled flower at its tip. The other, though also soiled with black mud, still stood erect. Evidently a cartwheel had passed over the plant, but it had risen again and that was why, though erect, it stood twisted to one side, as if a piece of its body had been torn from it, its bowels had been drawn out, an arm torn off, and one of its eyes plucked out; and yet it stood firm and did not surrender to man, who had destroyed all its brothers around it . . .
For Tolstoy this analogy represented the endurance of regional religious devotion, resistance and resilience in the Caucasus region of Russia, which extends geographically to the realm of Sochi, as well as temporally to the twenty-first century.
            Tolstoy's fictitious Hadji Murat reaches the intellectual frontier where story becomes truth galvanized by the persistence of local conflict. In contrast, sport in Brazil has validated the use of myth as national identity. Given its geographic expanse Brazilian regional identity has been as persistent as that conveyed by Tolstoy.
            Yet twentieth-century sociologist and historian, Gilberto Freyre, argued that tropical environments encouraged cultural and racial hybridity in Brazil, despite the rather brutal practices associated with slavery until 1888. The intellectually wide-ranging Freyre extended this theory to the realm of sport. In an article published in the June 25, 1955, edition of the Brazilian newspaper, Cruzeiro, Freyre observed:
Sociologists say that the game [of soccer] - or styles of play - can be classified in general as " individualistic " (of the Athenian Greeks, for example), “cooperative " (British or Anglo -Saxon) and " militaristic " (the Prussians, the Nazis, the fascists). So that if the Brazilians, in their way of playing soccer, tend to be individualistic rather than cooperative, they are in good company: the Greeks were also . . . the most civilized, sophisticated, and aesthetically-advanced [civilization] that has ever existed . . . What does a predominantly individualistic style of play mean? Pure anarchy? Sacrificing the good of the group for the whims of prima donnas? Of course not. This style demands constant team interaction, but individual players also stand out as heroes, dancers, and teachers, through also their achievements, innovations, and improvisations  . . . not only for their own benefit and for the benefit of the team. It's what they do on the soccer pitch . . . that falls under the sway of African heritage culture that tends to make the games into a form of dance and even ballet  . . . Thus, we Brazilians do not have to be ashamed of when it is said that our style of playing football exaggerates the exploits of heroes or prima donnas. What we need is to reconcile individualism with the team concept, without which the efforts of a group degenerates into anarchic hysteria.         
As alluded to in this intriguing analysis of “the beautiful game” – as soccer is referred to in Brazil – the individualistic aspect of the game draws influence from the folklore and culture of Africa.  In a similar essay published in the Folha de Sao Paulo, on August 17, 1980, Freyre references a “signature Brazilian style of playing soccer: a style of play influenced by the dancing, Dionysian flair of the Afro-Brazilian that can be said to diametrically contrast with the Apollonian style of the British [national team].”Despite the mythic nature of Freyre’s portrayal of Brazilian soccer, these observations may be as difficult to eradicate in the minds of Brazilians as regional identities in Russia, largely because they are both tenets of a larger faith: one on the pitch, the other heavenward. 

            Sport, I believe, has extended the acceptance of this myth. If the Soviet Union's hockey dominance began to centripetally fragment, not only as a result of Gorbachev and Yeltsin's reforms, but also in response to the globalization of professional hockey, the persistence of a Brazilian style of soccer, half African-inspired individualism and half Brazilian national pride, have extended global perceptions of Freyre's ideas, long discredited by academics as a relic of the military dictatorship, but perpetuated by an entire nation that celebrates the possibilities, however remote, of celebrity, wealth, and national adulation, as a part of the team's diverse mosaic.
            It may be that Russia's new generation of figure skating heroes, including Maxim Trankoff, Tatiana Volosozhar, Adelina Sotnikova (gold medalist in women’s singles figure skating), and fifteen-year old Julia Lipnitskaia, instead of the Russian hockey team, may form the core of a new sporting identity within the Federation. This resurgence on ice, rising from the ashes of a futile figure skating performance at the Vancouver Olympics, may restore Russian pride in the artistry and style of sport to the same aesthetic stratosphere that Brazilian soccer has enjoyed for so long.
Ring Five: Fraternity
            The final ring, fraternity, should be the centerpiece of global events that promote internationalism and people-to-people contacts between athletes, workers, and spectators.
            During the Christmas break in 2005, my wife, Jennie, and our three-year-old daughter, Sydney, spent our holiday in Munich, Germany, and Salzburg, Austria. Amid the snow of a cold December night, we drove past the Olympic Stadium, now associated with the kidnapping and execution of Israeli in 1972. But my mind was focused on a future event at the 2006 World Cup that would culminate in Munich’s Allianz Stadium, a state of the art soccer facility. On New Year's Eve, I rode the nearly empty subway out to Allianz Stadium. It was dark, cold, and fresh snowflakes whipped in the wind as I approached an aesthetically offensive fence that ringed the new stadium. The only other person there was a Korean photographer, steadying his tripod in the biting wind. I asked him if he would take my picture in front of the stadium. He obliged. I then hopped back on the train and returned to my hotel -- there was absolutely nothing more to see than the outer wall and the obtrusive fence intended to keep people out.
            That summer, when the world turned its attention to Germany for the World Cup, I also watched with some curiosity, but little serious interest. Yet, I was taken by the home team’s remarkable run through the tournament, and inspired by one player in particular. Miroslav Klose, a member of the national team, was born in Opole, Poland, and migrated to Germany with his father at a young boy. His opportunistic knack for finding the back of the net earned him the world's admiration and the tournament’s Golden Boot, a reward for the most prodigious scorer during the Cup. But it was that moment standing outside Allianz Stadium with my pro bono Korean photographer, I believe, that turned by interest and enthusiasm towards Germany later that year. Fraternity through mutual admiration for infrastructure turned towards enthusiasm for sport and fostered a greater interest in learning about other countries and their people.
Conclusion: Fellowship of the Rings
            I recently read in a blog related to J.R.R. Tolkien’s Lord of the Rings trilogy that the meaning of the title of the first volume of the series, The Fellowship of the Ring, has a dual meaning. On one hand, the ring symbolizes the mortal struggle between good and evil. On the other hand, the fellowship represents the tight-knit bond forged between the members of the brotherhood that would venture on their quest.
            In similar fashion, the Olympic Games and World Cup in 2014, personally embodied by the athletic excellence of pairs figure skaters Maxim Trankoff and Tatiana Volosozhar, represented all that is good about these global gatherings – discipline, artistic expression, personal bonds that transcend boundaries, as well as the often contentious contemporary and historical themes -- development, democracy, mobility, identity, and fraternity -- symbolically represented in this essay by the connected Olympic rings. Perhaps the most important lesson these complex issues teach us is that analyzing the connections between these trends will deepen our ability to make sound judgments about the world we live in based on our training in history.


Thursday, March 27, 2014

Internship at the Theodore Roosevelt Center



Title: Digital Cataloging and Review/History Internship
Location: North Dakota

Description: 
The Theodore Roosevelt Center at Dickinson State University is
seeking interns to participate in the cataloging of historical
documents in the Theodore Roosevelt Digital Library. The goal
of the Center is to serve scholars, tourists, teachers, curious citizens, and students of all ages as they explore the life and achievement of the 26th President of the United States.               Launched to the public in late 2011, the Theodore Roosevelt Digital Library is the primary portal the Center uses to convey that goal to a national audience. More than 20,000 items from 12 different collections are already available at www.theodorerooseveltcenter.org.       

 
If interested Contact: keri.youngstrand@dickinsonstate.edu





*Questions on this internship or others contact the Internship Coordinator for the History Departments
Tiffany Wixom at hist_intern@byu.edu 

Monday, March 24, 2014

Colonial Heritage Internship

Colonial Heritage Foundation Internship Program


The Colonial Heritage Foundation seeks interns to help it fulfill its mission to preserve the history, culture, skills, and values of America’s founding era.  Current needs include:

  • ·         Exhibition Design
  • ·         Marketing
  • ·         Elementary Education Programs
  • ·         Public Programs
  • ·         Research on Colonial American trades
  • ·         First-person historic performance

The Organization

The Colonial Heritage Foundation (http://colonialheritage.org), located in Provo, Utah,  is a public charity dedicated to the preservation of the values, culture, skills and history of America's founding. To accomplish this mission, the Foundation engages in a broad array of activities. Among these are the development and presentation of educational exhibits, the coordination of reading and discussion groups to encourage the study of America's historical writings, the presentation of lectures and seminars regarding America's founding era, the coordination of historical reenactments and skill demonstrations, and the coordination of internships and apprenticeships that teach the occupational skills of early America.

Colonial Heritage Festival

Each year the Foundation sponsors the largest American Colonial living and re-enactment event in the western United States.  Attended by about 50,000 visitors each year, the Colonial Heritage Festival (http://festival.colonialheritage.org) features exhibits from more than 100 educators, artisans and re-enactors. These volunteers establish a Colonial American village and demonstrate everyday life from various periods of the era that preceded the American Revolution.  The Blacksmith, the cooper, the potter, the baker, and the coffin maker are just a few of the period shops that come to life with continuous demonstrations of eighteenth century craftsmanship. In addition, storytellers and re-enactors portray famous and lesser-known Americans who shaped the events that led to the forming of a new nation in the new world.  Cannons and a 1700's printing press are two of the main attractions to the event, which helps students, young and old, feel a deep appreciation for history, culture, values and skills of our founding generation.

Education Exhibits

The Foundation is in the process of developing two travelling exhibits to deliver history education to elementary schools in Utah.  One exhibit focuses on the Plymouth Plantation and the Massachusetts Bay Company.  Its central feature is a scale model of the Mayflower, which is currently under construction (http://mayflower.colonialheritage.org). A second exhibit centers on the late American Colonial period and features a functioning replica of the Isaiah Thomas printing press (http://press.colonialheritage.org).

Specific Duties of Interns

The purpose of the internships offered by the foundation is to develop materials and increase the historical rigor of the Foundation’s activities

Colonial Heritage Festival: All participants in the festival are volunteers.  Although many are skilled artisans, few have a deep grasp of the historical significance of their trades and fewer still can speak of the role that specific members of their professions played in America’s founding.  For example, Roger Sherman was a Connecticut cobbler and the only person to sign on all four of America’s major founding documents: Articles of Association in 1774, the Declaration of Independence in 1776, the Articles of Confederation in 1777, and the Constitution in 1787.  At the Festival, the cobbler should be prepared to talk about Sherman’s role in America’s founding in addition to the craft of making shoes.  One of the opportunities for interns is to do the research on specific trades as well as how men and women who of these trades influenced the development of America.  This research would culminate in the development of scripts and background materials used in the training of artisans.
Additionally, various visual materials to accompany exhibits need to be developed that can present history to the public in a meaningful way.  Opportunities for this creative endeavor abound.  Moreover, during the event itself (July 3-6, 2014) there will be many opportunities for presentation and first-person re-enactment for interns who are inclined to step into the lime light.

*If only interested in participating in the event and getting academic credit you can receive 0.5-1.0 credits for prep time leading up to the event and the event it self. 

Education Exhibits:  Many supplementary materials need to be developed to accompany the printing press and model Mayflower in their travel to elementary schools.  Instructional displays and posters, hand-on activities for children, and scripts for presenters are needed to accompany the traveling exhibits.  In addition, a host of classroom activities need to be developed that will support key elements of the Utah core curriculum and prepare students to benefit more fully from the arrival of the travelling exhibits. 

Marketing:  The foundation is also in need of materials to promote both the festival and the travelling exhibit program.  Interns with skills in graphic design or the development of such material will find ample opportunity use their skills to further the Foundation’s mission.

Applicant Qualifications

Applicants who have completed courses in historic research and on the American Colonial period are preferred but others are also welcome to apply.  Internship may be configured for any amount of credit permitted by the host educational institution.  Interns will work from home or from the campus their educational institution.  While it is preferred that students are able to begin their internships with a face-to-face orientation in Provo, opportunities to complete the internship remotely are possible.

How to Apply


Interested applicants should send a cover letter and resume to Gove Allen (gove@colonialHeritage.org).  Be sure to include the number of credits desired, the academic term desired, and contact information for your educational institution’s internship coordinator. 


*For more information on this internship contact Tiffany Wixom at hist_intern@byu.edu 

American Fork D.U.P Museum

American Fork Daughter's of the Utah Pioneers Museum 

Interns wanted 

This is a small internship for 1.0 credit for 42 hours of work.  The internship would be the beginning of May to June 2014. This internship is to help get the American Fork D.U.P Museum ready for its new exhibition opening this June.

To learn more or to apply send a Resume and Cover letter Karen Adams at upnadams70@gmail.com or   U. S. Postal (266 North 100 East American Fork, Utah 84003).


Qualifications of the student  would be general research experiences with access to internet and transportation to the museum. The research is for the Centennial Celebration of a historical building located in American Fork.  The scope of the project is information about the past and the present use of the Alpine Stake Tabernacle.  This project is to go beyond the academic paper by helping to create an exhibit in the museum  located across the street from the Tabernacle. Skills in marketing/design/art would be needed.


Tuesday, March 18, 2014

JSPP - Church History Library Internships



FALL 2014 internships at the Church History Library! 

If you are interested in applying for one of our internships spots with the Joseph Smith Papers Project, you can submit your resume today. All majors are welcome to apply. 

To apply
To apply, please submit a copy of your resume and cover letter to Tiffany Wixom at hist_intern@byu.edu. Please use this sample resume as a resource if you need guidance on how to format your resume or what to include. Please be sure to include details of your work experience, skills, and experience, especially as they relate to the job description of this internship. Usually interviews are held in the History Department's main office but this semester interviews will be conducted on the phone.

IMPORTANT: This internship requires a time commitment of 7-10 hours per week over the course of  Fall 2014 semester. It is preferred that students devote one full day to the internship (for example working from 8-5 pm every Tuesday) rather than splitting it up between multiple days since it does require that you commute to Salt Lake City. If you apply, it is expected that you will have room in your schedule to accommodate these hours. You will also be expected to register for 3.0 credits of History 199R.  DO NOT APPLY IF YOU CANNOT ACCOMMODATE THIS SCHEDULE.

Location
Church History Library
15 East North Temple Street 
Salt Lake City, UT 84150

Joseph Smith Papers Project – The JSPP is looking for 10-12 interns for an internship that will provide them with actual hands-on experience with documentary editing tasks such as document transcription, transcription verification, preparation of documents for web publication, research for document annotation, back matter preparation, and source checking. For a more detailed description,  Click Here.


Funding and Aid
Students employed as interns at the CHL are eligible for a reduced-rate UTA bus pass. The Department of History will also have a few needs-based grants to award to our student interns this semester. More information about how to apply for one of these internship grants is forthcoming.

Questions?
Please contact the History Internship Coordinator with any questions:

Tiffany Wixom 
hist_intern@byu.edu
2130F JFSB
801-422-1789